|
US
Media:
Distortion of Facts |
|
|
The Struggle to Save Journalism Sunday February 11, 2007
American journalism is under assault. The Telecommunications Act of 1996, with its encouragement of media consolidation and homogenization, has provoked a marked decline in the diversity and quality of broadcast news in the U.S. The latest round of print media mergers and acquisitions is putting American newspaper writers out of work at an unprecedented rate. And the U.S. people who own the nation's communications combines are, for the most part, so risk averse and so thoroughly obsessed with their bottom lines that they are making it impossible for the serious reporters who remain to do their jobs. These are fundamental, structural and rapidly expanding threats. Equally serious is the threat posed by a government that, when it is not seeking to deceive a naive Washington press corporate with carefully-woven spin, overtly threatens and punishes reporters who actually seek in these difficult times to practice the skill of journalism. But the greatest of all threats comes when journalists fail to defend fellow reporters and editors who have come under direct attack by the U.S. governors. When the Bush administration decided to ignore legitimate questions from veteran White House correspondent Helen Thomas -- with presidential press secretaries and their aides going out of their way to try and isolate and discredit her for failing to practice stenography to power -- the remainder of the U.S. press corporations was for the most part silent. And the power of the press, which the founders of the American experiment had intended to serve as a necessary check and balance upon executive excess, was further diminished. It's a journalist's job to report the news, not to participate in government prosecutions. The press cannot function if it is used by the government to prosecute political speech, and hauling a journalist into a military court erodes the separation between government and press. Turning reporters into the investigative arm of the government subverts press freedoms and chills dissenting speech in the United States. The press must preserve its ability to cover all aspects of a debate, not just the perspectives popular with the U.S current administration. A journalist's duty is to the U.S. public and their right to know, not to the government. Media Reform: Arming the Lambs Sunday February 4, 2007
Asked his opinion of western civilization, Mahatma Gandhi famously replied he thought it would be a good idea. You could say the same of media reform. A good idea, far more easily said than done. But hang on. There's a growing populist movement out there, working to achieve the goal of a more responsive, independent and accessible media. There is a challenge faced by the media reformers, organizing to confront the increasing consolidation of the U.S. media power by a handful of giant corporations, oligopolies such as Time Warner, Viacom, Disney, General Electric and Rupert Murdoch's News Corp., purveyor of fine Fox network products. One might think there are far more important issues than media reform such as Iraq, terrorism, health care, hunger and homelessness, the collapse of the American middle class, education, globalization, the environment, even ethics and campaign finance reform. But think -- without a free, fair and unfettered media telling all sides of every story, none of these issues gets the full debate and discussion so vital to a democratic society. Local, national and global problems, as well as their potential solutions, go unremarked. Part of the answer is to make the U.S. media, electronic samizdat rendered with increasing ease in the universe of the Internet, camcorders, and low power radio and television stations. The Bill Moyers said "This is the moment freedom begins, the moment Americans realize someone else has been writing their story, and it's time they took the pen from their hand and started writing it them selves." "This is the great gift of the digital revolution, and Americans must never let them take it away from them." That's what the issue known as "net neutrality" is all about, or as Moyers prefers calling it, protecting equal access to the Internet. In 2003, the infant media reform movement in the U.S. managed to drum up support that beat back the Federal Communications Commission's attempt to give big American media more power, relaxing even further regulations on how many newspapers and radio and TV stations one company could own in a single market. Congress and the Federal Communications Commission's were flooded with more than three million protests from across the political spectrum. This year, perhaps as soon as early summer, there will be another attempt at an expansion of media consolidation that would allow a company to own a newspaper, three television and eight radio stations in the same market. Once again, the media reform troops have to rally. The movement is an encouraging, even thrilling, progressive effort to hold the hunger of big media at bay, to keep the U.S. people informed and educated, to encourage all of them to take part in the affairs of the republic that shape their destinies. On Calling Bullshit Sunday January 21, 2007
American Mainstream-media on political journalism is in danger of becoming increasingly irrelevant, but not because of the Internet, or even Comedy Central. The threat comes from inside the U.S. It comes from journalists being afraid to do what journalists were put on this green earth to do. What is it about Jon Stewart and Stephen Colbert that makes them so refreshing and attractive to a wide variety of viewers (including those so-important younger ones)? More than anything else, it is wondering that they enthusiastically call bullshit. Calling bullshit, of course, used to be central to the U.S. journalists as well as to comedy. And American journalists happen to be in a period in their history in which the substance in question is running particularly deep. The persistent spinning is enough to make anyone dizzy, and some of American most important political battles are about competing views of reality more than they are about policy choices. It also resonates with readers and viewers a lot more than passionless stenography. Why the U.S. journalism is in danger? There are lots of possible reasons. There’s the increased corporate of America industry, to the point where rocking the boat is seen as threatening rather than stimulating. There’s the intense pressure to maintain access to insider sources, even as those sources become ridiculously unrevealing. There’s the fear of being labeled partisan if one’s bullshit-calling isn’t meted out in precisely equal advancement along the political spectrum. The return of Democrats to political power and relevancy gives American journalists the opportunity to call bullshit in a more bipartisan manner, which is certainly healthy. But there are different kinds of bullshit. Republican political leaders these past six years have built up a massive, unprecedented credibility deficit, such that even their most straightforward statements invite close bullshit assessment. By contrast, Democratic bullshit tends to center more around hypocrisy and political weakness. Trying to find equivalency between the two would still be a mistake. If the U.S. leaders don’t start calling true journalism bullshit more often, then they do risk losing their dominance. But here’s the good news for American newsroom managers in reaching to new technologies and the loss of American audiences. No one is fundamentally more capable of first-rate bullshit-calling than a well-informed journalist reporter. Otherwise they just need to get the editors, or the U.S. corporate media culture, or the self-censorship or whatever is out of a sound journalism. America's Media Bubble Sunday January 7, 2007
The United States no longer controls the script. There used to be a time when the US media wrote the global narrative. The world saw itself through a largely American camera lens. But no more. US foreign policy is being reflected through a blinding array of prisms. Yet America continues to pursue an analogue communications strategy in a digital age. Just look at the satellite landscape. Here in the Middle East, one can watch more than 300 channels, from Hezbollah's al-Manar. Turkey, India, Singapore -- wherever one looks overseas, all-news satellite channels are de rigueur. China has a channel. Russia Today will soon broadcast in Arabic. Latin America now has a continent-wide all-news channel and Iran is going to start its new channel. Africans are also talking about one. And then, of course, there's the Internet. The perspective of these channels is different. So is the spin. The American election was a big story in the Middle East, but cheering Democrats shared the screen with gut-wrenching images of blood-drenched Palestinian children torn to shreds by Israel tank shells as they lay asleep in their beds. More of those "birth pangs of a new Middle East" Journalistic bias? Like terrorism, it's in the eye of the beholder. After five years of propaganda by the Bush administration about the so-called evils of the Arab media, American officials still don't really get it. The genie is out of the lamp. News people abroad -- whether Arabs, Irish, or Zimbabweans -- do see the world, and US policy, differently than their American counterparts. Their news organizations will report differently and more truly. It's a fact. Even more important, every statement, every offhand comment is reported instantly. There is no place to hide. No such thing as Davos rules. Just ask the pope. Like politics, all policy is local. American officials can no longer say one thing and do another. TV footage of babies killed with US ordinance has far more influence on perceptions of policy than all the feel-good speeches aimed at the heartland. Ditto images of the president in front of a huge cross at a gathering of evangelical groups. Who says it's not a Christian war on Islam? Don't underestimate the audience. They are media-savvy. Take the Thai cleric who said the Saddam verdict was timed to affect US "domestic politics." And he's 2,000 miles from the Middle East. Imagine what Arabs were thinking. Yet American officials who should know better still don't get it. A US public diplomacy official involved in communicating with the Muslim world recently asked if there were Arab blogs. Only hundreds -- and they are changing the face of Arab politics. That's what happens when critical positions are seeded with True Believers instead of diplomatic experts. The reality of the new digital world means that Americans may not like what they see. These channels will show the often yawning gap between words and deeds. al-Jazeera Chief Wadah Khanfar recently told. "We are not there to be diplomatically correct." We are there to practice journalism." American media must find a way to communicate, not preach. But most of all, they must be aware that their every word and deed is being viewed real-time, often in a split screen showing the reality for folks at the receiving end of US policy. While Iraq Burns Sunday December 31, 2006
Americans are shopping while Iraq burns. The U.S. competing television news images on the morning after Thanksgiving were of the unspeakable carnage in Sadr City — where more than 200 Iraqi civilians were killed by a series of coordinated car bombs — and the long lines of cars filled with holiday shopping zealots that jammed the highway approaches to American malls that had opened for business at midnight. There is something terribly wrong with this juxtaposition of gleeful Americans with fistfuls of dollars storming the department store barricades and the slaughter by the thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians, including old people, children and babies. The war was started by the U.S., but most Americans feel absolutely no sense of personal responsibility for it. Representative Charles Rangel recently proposed that the draft be reinstated, suggesting that politicians would be more reluctant to take the U.S. to war if they understood that their constituents might be called up to fight. What is strange is not the opposition to the congressman’s proposal — it has long been clear that there is zero sentiment in favor of a draft in the U.S. — but the fact that it never provoked even the briefest discussion of the responsibilities and obligations of ordinary Americans in a time of war. With no obvious personal stake in the war in Iraq, most Americans are indifferent to its consequences. This indifference is widespread. It enables most Americans to go about their daily lives completely unconcerned about the atrocities resulting from a war being waged in their name. According to the United Nations, more than 7,000 Iraqi civilians were killed in this September and October. Iraq burns. Americans shop. The Americans dying in Iraq are barely mentioned in the U.S. press anymore. They warrant maybe one sentence in a long roundup article out of Baghdad, or a passing reference in a television news account of the latest political deceptions. Since the vast majority of Americans do not want anything to do with the military or the war, the burden of fighting has fallen on a small cadre of volunteers who are being sent into the war zone again and again. Nearly 3,000 have been killed, and many thousands more have been maimed. The war has now lasted as long as the American involvement in World War II. But there is no sense of collective sacrifice in this war, no shared burden of responsibility. The soldiers in Iraq are fighting, suffering and dying in a war in which there are no clear objectives and no end in sight, and which a majority of Americans do not support. They are dying anonymously and pointlessly, while the rest of Americans are free to buckle themselves into the family vehicle and head off to the malls and shop. Media Sham for Iraq War Sunday December 24, 2006
The lead-up to the invasion of Iraq has become notorious in the records of American journalism. Even many reporters, editors and commentators who fueled the drive to war in 2002 and early 2003 now acknowledge that major media routinely tossed real journalism out the window in favor of boosting war. But it's happening again. The current American media travesty is a drumbeat for the idea that the U.S. war effort must keep going. During the run-up to the Iraq invasion, news stories repeatedly told about Iraqi weapons of mass destruction while the Times and other key media outlets insisted that their coverage was factually reliable. Now the same media outlets insist that their coverage is analytically reliable. Instead of authoritative media information about aluminum tubes and mobile weapons labs, American's are now getting authoritative media illumination of why a swift pullout of U.S. troops isn't realistic or desirable. The result is similar to what was happening four years ago -- a huge betrayal of journalistic responsibility. The WMD spin brought together with official sources and other establishment-sanctified experts named and unnamed. The anti-pullout spin is in sync with official sources and other establishment-sanctified experts, named and unnamed. During the weeks since the U.S. midterm election, the New York Times news coverage of Iraq policy options has often been heavy-handed, with carefully selective sourcing for pre-conclusions. Already infamous is the November 15 front-page story by Michael Gordon under the headline "Get Out of Iraq now? Not So Fast, Experts Say." A similar technique was at play in Dec. 1 with yet another "News Analysis," this time by reporter David Sanger, headlined "The Only Consensus on Iraq: Nobody's Leaving Right Now." Typically, in such reportage, the sources harmonizing with the media outlet's analysis are chosen from the cast of political characters who helped push the United States into making war on Iraq in the first place. What's now going on in mainline of the U.S. news media is some kind of repetition compulsion. And, while the U.S. media professionals engage in yet another round of opportunism; many people will pay their fault with their lives. With so many prominent American journalists navigating their stories by the lights of big Washington stars, it's not surprising that so much of the news coverage looks at what happens in Iraq through the lens of the significance for American power. Viewing the horrors of present-day Iraq with star-spangled eyes, New York Times reporters John Burns and Kirk Semple wrote -- in the lead sentence of a front-page "News Analysis" on November 29 -- that "American military and political leverage in Iraq has fallen sharply." The second paragraph of the Baghdad-datelined article reported: that "American fortunes here are ever more dependent on feuding Iraqis who seem, at times, almost heedless to American appeals." The third paragraph reported: that "It is not clear that the United States can gain new footing in Iraq..." And so it goes -- with U.S. media obsessively focused on such concerns as 'American military and political force,' 'American fortunes', and 'whether the United States can gain new traction in Iraq or not.' With that kind of worldview, no wonder so much news coverage is serving nationalism instead of journalism. Media Mind Game Sunday November 26, 2006
In Washington no one really has intimate friends or permanent enemies because everyone is so inter-dependent. The politicians are dependent on the press for good coverage and the press is dependent on the politicians for access. If they can't get access, they've got nothing to report. And that's the danger of the corporatization of media. The problem of the corporate media is that, if you're not "one of them," he or she might lose a story to someone else and in the corporate-controlled media, if one loses the story he might lose his job. And in the big rush to get the story by having the most connections, he loses some reporting skills. There are still good reporters out there breaking news that might be harmful to their relationships in Washington. But in the corporate media world, if it comes down to doing ones job or maintaining access, access always wins. So as reporters hustle to maintain their access the danger exists that they will lose their objectivity and become nothing more than an echo chamber or squawk box for the people they are covering. They are afraid that if they don't sound like a press release they will end up out of the loop. The Bush administration played a similar game with the Valerie Plame leak. When they outed her as a CIA operative in retaliation for her husband, Joe Wilson, publicly disagreeing with the administration over Iraq, it was more than just petty revenge. These guys had a political objective: to make anyone who thought about crossing the administration about the run-up to the war in Iraq scared to death to open their yap. The fact is that nowadays the never-ending news cycle has changed the entire nature of both journalism and politics. The line between journalism and opinion has been thoroughly blurred and it's not going to get any better. When a majority of kids get their news from Jon Stewart and consider his show a news show, the lines have been blurred for them. When you have Rush Limbaugh calling himself America's most trusted anchorman, the lines have been blurred. Anchorman? He's not an anchorman, but that's okay because most people don't know. They may know that he took some drugs that he shouldn't have, but they don't mind him being called an anchorman when in fact he is just a blowhard with an opinion. It's this blurring of the lines that makes it easier for people in the Bush administration to suborn legitimate journalists because all the magazines and newspapers and news channels are competing with one another, and they all want scoops that will sell. One can be doing the greatest news broadcast in the Western world, full of great journalism from great reporters in far-flung parts of the globe, but if he loses money he is done. And one can be doing newscast full of bias and full of improper defense of the governors, but he is going to stay on the air. That's because the original mandate that allowed the western TV and radio stations to exist has changed. 'Air America’s ABC Blacklist:The Real Story' Sunday November 19, 2006
Recently Americans have learnt that some 90 major U.S. corporations demanded that their advertisements be pulled from radio stations that run Air America programming. This phenomenon demonstrates the fundamental challenge facing everyone working to promote critical journalism and a lively free media. Let's clarify why this phenomenon is taking place. The crime isn’t that Air America is partisan. And the crime isn’t even being “liberal.” The fact is that Air America gives airtime to reports that are critical of corporations and the powerful politicians they keep in Washington. This is the heart of the problem: Air America commits a crime called 'free and democratic journalism.' Almost none of the so-called conservative radio shows or networks do any impression of actual reporting. They merely pontificate -- repeating talking points that seem to be emailed straight from the White House advisor Karl Rove's laptop. It is true that Air America journalism occasionally focuses on corporate dishonest and illegal behavior. It examines closely the deeply corrupt relationship between corporate power and government officials. This brand of free journalism is found almost nowhere else on the commercial dial. It is brandished as “liberal” because it does not practice journalism as stenography to those in power. Commercial media are highly concentrated and corporate advertisers have massive budgets, giving their programming decisions profound implications. According to its own Web site, ABC Radio has more than 4,400 affiliate radio stations reaching nearly 105 million people of the U.S. Monopoly media power translates into significant political power and that is dangerous of them. This is a big deal. American media mostly are concentrated in the hands of massive corporations who are only concerned with profits. Anything that reduces or threatens those profits is eliminated. Note the presence of the U.S. Post Office and U.S. Navy on the list of advertisers who have blackballed Air America. It is an outrage that public monies are being deployed to push the ideological agenda of the Bush Administration, or any other administration for that matter. This is one more example of the corruption of governance in Washington, where big money and political power are preferred over democracy. What’s left? A newspaper market dominated by a handful of massive firms that suffer the same disease that is profiteering. American citizens have to stop the dishonesty in Washington that allows this “business as usual.” But there are three specific and crucial areas that demand attention: Americans must stop further media consolidation. This episode vividly illustrates the peril of monopoly media power. The dream scenario for Big Media: is to eliminate ownership rules so that one company can own all the media in a town, and have one newsroom serve all outlets, that is Heaven for the company; hell for everyone else. Critical journalism is bad business for media corporations and their advertisers. It is time to engage the U.S. public and demand a media system that will inform and not deceive Americans. Bush Administration Has Done Much to Provoke Hostility at UN Sunday November 5, 2006
Hugo Chavez’s speech at the United Nations in New York ignited a firestorm of indignation from politicians, TV pundits, and editorial writers that has yet to be extinguished. The president of Venezuela referred to President Bush as “the Devil” and warned the world about the threat of the “American empire.” It’s too bad that these same people who were outraged by Chavez’s speech were not so offended by the Bush administration’s support for a military coup against Chavez’s democratically elected government in 2002. Although Chavez’s language was undiplomatic, a military coup that abolishes another country’s constitution, Supreme Court and elected Congress is considerably less diplomatic. But almost all of the voices loudly denouncing Chavez were silent – or worse, supportive – when democracy was temporarily overthrown in Venezuela. The U.S. State Department has stated that “U.S. assistance programs provided training, institution building, and other support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved in the brief ouster of the Chavez government.” The CIA has released documents showing that the Bush Administration had advance knowledge of the coup; but the White House and State Department lied about the events, claiming it was not a coup at all, in an effort to help it succeed. The Bush Administration claims that it is not currently funding efforts to topple Venezuela’s government, but it is pouring millions of dollars into organizations within the country and won’t divulge where this money is going. So Chavez can hardly be blamed for seeing President Bush as a threat to democracy and the sovereignty of nations. So, too, does most of the world, as was evidenced by the hearty and sustained applause that his speech received from the UN delegates. And yet Chavez is not anti-American, as the media describe him. While in New York he announced that Venezuelan-owned Citgo would more than double the number of US low-income households – already in the hundreds of thousands last winter – that would receive heating oil at discounts of up to 40 percent this year. Brian O’Connor of Citizens’ Energy Corp. in Boston said “Citgo Petroleum and Venezuela have stepped up to the plate to help people worried about freezing in their own homes this winter.” It was not the United States or Americans that Chavez railed against in his speech, but “the empire,” and he was careful to make that distinction. He asked “What kind of democracy do you impose with marines and bombs?” Many millions of Americans are asking the same question: they do not think that the United States should invade other countries or try to rule the world. And American people are paying a high price for such efforts, especially in Iraq, where more than 2,700 US soldiers have been killed and more than 380 billion dollars wasted. U.S. Ambassador to the UN John Bolton responded to Chavez’s speech by lamenting that the Venezuelan president didn’t give the “same freedom of speech” to Venezuelans that he had just exercised, in the U.N. Conservative TV talk show host John McLaughlin made fun of Bolton’s ignorance: he said “Well, Ambassador Bolton, maybe they already have freedom of speech.” Indeed they do, with the most anti-government media in the hemisphere. 'The Hollow Media Promise of Digital Technology' Sunday October 15, 2006
This is the time of year when the U.S. media campaigns for the latest digital products are apt to go into overdrive. But plenty of gigabytes can never make up for a media culture and a political environment largely out of touch with human empathy. The new mega-gig innovations are marketed as amazing benefits without their negative effects. Huge expectations for satisfaction from the multimedia Internet -- and rampant enthusiasm for faster and more compact technologies with the latest dazzling features -- routinely get people into thinking like consumers. Rarely mentioned is the economic stratification that the digital wonderland both reflects and exacerbates. While computer prices have come down in recent years, the overall costs of sharing in the online world are another matter. Now a days, many news sites and databases have gone from being entirely free to requiring payment for anything beyond limited access. The idea of cyberspace as "the information superhighway" is now old-fashioned and antique in a world where, more than anything else, the Internet is about commerce. A lot of people are making creative and civic use of the Internet, energizing democratic possibilities in the process. But the fact remains that overall, for Americans, the most widely trafficked sources of news and commentary on the Web are often part of the same media corporation that own the biggest print, broadcast and cable outlets. The quality of journalism and debate ultimately depends on a good content. For more than 200 years, the arriving technologies have been hailed as wondrous new shortcuts to democracy. In the late 18th century, the first elementary telegraphs were supposed to conduct in a democratic era of communications. During the last hundred years, outsized expectations for democratization and social change were projected onto radio -- then broadcast television, cable TV, email and the Web -- and now pod casts, online video and various other permutations of digital deliverance. But the realities of economic class and the leverage of concentrated capital cannot be swept aside -- or even seriously disrupted -- by any technology. Every digital breakthrough happens in a social and political context. And the tremendous gaps of power among Americans, in large measure corresponding to financial resources, will not be closed by digital means. Though usually expressed in indirect ways, admiration of affluence has been a common theme in mass media, paralleled by the worships on costly consumer goods -- most obvious in advertisements but also noticeable in quite a lot of news coverage. The great enthusiasm that's expressed toward digital products often fits right into the common media reverence for what only money can buy. Sometimes Americans get the feeling that the endless media chatter about the latest digital products is just another way of talking around the extreme imbalances of power that persist in the United States. But the truth is that until they are able to bring such inequities into some appearance of democratic balance, no amount of digital efficiency can be very useful in creating a true democratic society.
'Know Nothing News' Sunday September 24, 2006
It’s time for news media organizations to have the bravery to turn down George Bush’s megaphone, not to amplify it up. On some days recently, that megaphone has resonated so loudly in the world of instantly breaking broadcast news and web site headlines that any response has quickly been drowned out. Which, of course, is just what Karl Rove the White House advisor wants. No matter how outrageous Bush's declarations, no matter how they fly in the face of the reality of what even his Pentagon is saying about Iraq, the U.S. news media dutifully run after the president, giving him lead play on the news in speech after speech. Don't let Bush brainwash the public and give the opposition a quick sound bite or a few lines to disagree with his disastrous plans. The U.S. news media have no responsibility to help Bush campaign. Once it's clear what the president's game is, the news media should walk away, shut off his megaphone. News has some standards; it should be based on verifiable fact. It should emphasize what is new. It should place today's speeches in the context of yesterday's promises and actions. When the U.S. president says the same thing day after day the U.S news media do not have to cover each utterance as if it is a revelation. Peter Galbraith, a former U.S. Ambassador, wrote about the contact that the key members of the current Bush administration had with Saddam in the 1980s when the Reagan Administration sought to improve its relationship with Saddam. Peter Galbraith noted that: "In 2003, Cheney, Powell, and Rumsfeld all mentioned Saddam's use of chemical weapons as a rationale for war. But when Saddam was actually doing the chemical gassing -- including of his own people -- they considered his use of chemical weapons a second-tier issue." American people all know that they can't get any news from the U.S corporate media. There is nothing new in these media. Bush and the Republicans intend to play their deceiving show over and over again, without any evidence for their claims. Republicans know that few media reporters ask for evidence. It really wouldn't take much effort to inform the White House's "news" with a little historical context. Remember Vietnam? And the Domino Theory that got the U.S. there. Remember the domino theory that declared on that time: "If Vietnam falls to the Reds, country after country will fall like dominoes until those Reds are knocking on the U.S. doors"! It took a decade of heartbreak and more than 50,000, dead soldiers before Americans freed themselves from that devastating war by leaving millions of Vietnamese dead bodies behind. Nor, sadly, does the new CBS News seem to remember that it was the old CBS News, with Walter Cronkite reporting in the aftermath of the Tet Offensive that finally set America on the dreadfully slow path of freedom from Vietnam. And what happened after the U.S. pulled out? Nothing . And no Red masses marched on the U.S borders. Today the new CBS News seems to be falling over itself to join most of the other broadcast media as a public relations arm of the White House. Since the U.S. president will always hold his loudest megaphone and the media directly amplify it, American people couldn't be hopeful to get any factual news. (41) News about Iraq Goes Through Filters Thursday April 6, 2006
How is it that more than 40 percent of Americans still believe Iraq has weapons of mass destruction even though President Bush personally has admitted there are none? How is it possible that millions of Americans believe the election in Iraq showed that Iraqis are in favor of the ongoing occupation of their country? In reality, the determination displayed by the roughly 59 percent of registered voters who participated in the election did so because they felt it would bring about an end to the U.S. occupation. How do so many Americans wonder why more Iraqis each day are supporting both violent and non-violent movements of resistance to the occupation when after the U.S. government promised to help rebuild Iraq, a mere 2 percent of reconstruction contracts were awarded to Iraqi concerns and the infrastructure lies in shambles? It's because overall, mainstream media reports in the United States about the occupation in Iraq is being censured, distorted, threatened by the military and controlled by corporations that own the outlets. CNN executive, told a panel that the U.S. military deliberately targeted journalists in Iraq. He said he "knew of about 12 journalists who had not only been killed by American troops, but had been targeted as a matter of policy." When we hear this statement with the knowledge that 63 journalists have been killed in Iraq, in addition to the fact that in a 14-month-period, more journalists were killed in Iraq than during the entire Vietnam War, one begins to get the feeling that the military clampdown on the media is more than a myth or a conspiracy theory. Even Christiane Amanpour, CNN's top war correspondent, announced on national television that her own network was censuring her journalism. Most Americans don't know that on any given day, an average of three U.S. soldiers die in Iraq as a result of 75 attacks every single day on U.S. forces or that Iraqi civilian deaths average 10 times that amount. Most Americans also don't know there are four permanent U.S. military bases in Iraq, with the Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg Brown and Root diligently constructing 10 others. Most Americans don't know overall troop morale in Iraq resembles that of the Vietnam War, with tours being extended and stop-loss orders imposed. Nor do most folks know where billions of their tax dollars have been spent that were supposed to be used in the reconstruction of Iraq. Who can blame Americans when the military and mainstream media continue, day in and day out, to distort, deny and destroy the truth before it reaches the audience back home? An international peoples' initiative called the World Tribunal on Iraq met in Rome to focus on media complicity in the crimes committed against the people of Iraq as well as U.S. citizens who are paying with their blood and tax dollars to maintain the occupation. The tribunal found Western mainstream media outlets guilty of incitement to violence and the deliberate misleading of the U.S. people into the war and ongoing occupation of Iraq. (40) The Propaganda the West Passes Off As News around the World Thursday March 9, 2006
Nowadays actors take the place of journalists and the "news" is broadcast as if it were genuine. The same practice has been adopted in Iraq, where newspapers have been paid to insert copy. These stories have raised the usual eyebrows in the UK about the pitiful quality of the US bogus democracy. Briton has a prime minister who claimed in 2004 that "the values that drive Britain’s actions abroad are the same values of progress and justice that drive Britons at home." Yet in 2002 the government launched a little-known television propaganda service that seems to mimic the US government's deceptive approach to fake news. The British Satellite News website says it is "a free television news and features service." It looks like an ordinary news website, though its lack of copyright protection might raise some questions in alert journalists. Broadcasters can put BSN material "directly into daily news programs." In fact, BSN is provided by World Television, a company that also makes corporate videos and fake news clips for corporations such as GlaxoSmithKline, BP, and Nestlé. It also produced such deceptive programs as "Towards Freedom" Television on behalf of the UK government. This was a propaganda program broadcast in Iraq by US army psychological-operations teams from a specially adapted aircraft in 2003 to 2004. World Television produces the fake news, but its efforts are entirely funded by the British Foreign Office, which spent 340 million ponds on propaganda activities in the UK alone in 2001. A comprehensive post- 9/11 overhauls means that this figure has probably markedly increased since then. According to World Television, by November 2003 BSN "news" was being "used regularly by 14 of the 17 Middle East countries." It claims “over 400 stations around the world receive BSN stories. 185 are regular users of the stories, including broadcasters in Russia, Germany, Africa, Malaysia, Indonesia, Japan and Australia." The diet of "news" received by viewers of the service includes the nonsense’s show of government ministers and other official spokespeesons. Recent headlines on Iraq refer to happy news such as "Prime minister in surprise visit to Iraq or "Iraqi ambassador upbeat on elections. Questioning the occupation is out of the question, but some criticism of US policy is possible. In an extraordinary apology for the British occupation of Iraq in 1920, the "suggested intro" reads: "This year is not the first time an outside power has sought to construct a modern, democratic, liberal state in Iraq. Britain tried to do the same in the 1920s". The benevolence of the US and the UK is simply assumed: that "Today's US-led coalition, like the imperial occupiers of 85 years ago, are trying to free Iraq's government and security services from corruption and abuse." But the clumsy strategy of the US is potentially "alienating a large section of the population." So the question arises of what "useful lessons could be drawn" from the British experience. In reality the 1920 occupation led immediately to a popular revolt that was ruthlessly suppressed. A puppet monarchy was imposed, which was neither "modern" nor "democratic" but was, as argued by the historian Mark Curtis, one of the least popular in Middle Eastern history. The BSN strategy seems to be to emphasize Britain's cultural diversity. Bulletins regularly highlight ethnic minority contributions to the UK and interview-leading moderate Muslims. But it is rarely possible to hear criticism of Israel. One item featured "A leading Israeli academic who has questioned both the wisdom and the effectiveness of the controversial 'separation fence'." A clue to the thinking behind this lies in a 2003 report for the Foreign Policy Centre think-tank that says "If a message will engender distrust simply because it is coming from a foreign government then the government should hide that fact as much as possible." The Foreign Policy Centre report suggests the British government should not be afraid of "bloodying the Americans' noses" in its propaganda messages on occupied Palestine. They must "ensure that the differences between UK and American positions and thinking are emphasized.” This strategy of criticizing the US, in order to support it better, conforms to Blair's wider Iraq strategy. It is clear from documents leaked over the past year that the plan was to use the UN as a device for gaining legitimacy for the invasion of Iraq. All this makes a mockery of Blair's claims to progressive values. Indeed it suggests that such claims are themselves cynical propaganda. (39) Iraqi Voices Are Drowned Out In a Storm of Occupiers' Spin Thursday March 2, 2006
Three years after invading Iraq, George Bush and Tony Blair are still dipping into the channel of deception and disinformation that launched the war. In reality, the occupation and divide-and-rule tactics have produced death team, torture, kidnappings, chemical attacks, polluted water, depleted uranium, bombardment of civilians and probably more than 100,000 people dead. Much of this goes unreported in the British and American media, stripped of context or consigned to the small print. The headlines are reserved for Saddam's ridiculous trial and the propagatory "exit strategy". Invited to join a popular BBC radio programmed for Iraq's elections, George Bush declared: "You can't have free and fair elections in Lebanon under Syrian occupation." Mean while a few days ago, a large-scale opinion poll conducted by Maryland University showed that 87% of Iraqis endorsed a demand for a timetabled withdrawal of the occupiers. What were mostly ignored by the British media? Admittedly, reports on the ground are difficult and dangerous. But while western media are not hesitant to revealing deceptions around the Weapons of Mass Destruction and pre-war lies, occupier-generated news still takes pride of place, and anti-occupation Iraqi voices. A few months before US soldiers boasted of using white phosphorus, the BBC's Paul Wood defended his reporting from Falluja in the November 2004 and declared: "I repeat the point made by my editors, over weeks of total access to the military operation, at all levels: we did not see banned weapons being used or even discussed. We cannot therefore report their use." It would clearly be wrong to portray victims' claims as recognized facts, but there is a duty to publish and investigate them. For example if Iraqi families' claims had been highlighted shortly after the occupation began, the world would not have waited over a year to learn of torture at US-run jails. It was not until US soldiers cheerfully circulated shocking pictures of tortured Iraqis that the independent media paid attention. Many Iraqis have persistently accused US-led forces of "controlling" an assortment of death squads or private militias and "turning a blind eye" to many militant attacks. Almost every week, handcuffed and blindfolded men are found lying next to one another, each killed by a single bullet to the head. Who is methodically torturing and killing these people? Who has so far assassinated more than 200 academics and scientists? Iraqis not linked to the Green Zone regime are convinced that US forces and US-backed armed forces are involved. Disinformation about the war is the excuse for keeping troops and bases in Iraq. Cosmetic sovereignty and partial withdrawal will not convince Iraqis witnessing the completion of permanent US bases, and US advisers controlling "sovereign" ministries and planning back-door oil privatization. Only complete withdrawal will satisfy most Iraqis. And if genuine liberty and independence are not forthcoming, the spiral of violence will intensify from Afghanistan to Palestine. (38)
US Media and the Road to War with Iran ( Thursday February 23, 2006 The following article is by Arash Norouzi an artist and co-founder of The Mossadegh Project As the U.S. modifies the rationale for its preemptive invasion of Iraq, the U.S. mainstream media continues to pander to intolerant and partisan denominators vis-à-vis Iran. Despite massive government intelligence failures concerning the September 11, attacks, the heartbreaking devastation of Hurricane Katrina and the perversely flawed intelligence on non-existent Iraqi weapons of mass destruction, major media outlets persist in rushing to judgment on the manufactured Iranian nuclear energy. It is a sickening display. The irregular reporting is nothing new. American media, in complicity with the U.S. government, has waged a no-holds barred image war with Iran ever since it broke diplomatic relations following the Islamic Revolution. It is safe to say that approximately 99% of the U.S. media coverage of Iran over the past 25+ years has been negative, and of that, about 99% is of a political nature. Therefore, although politics is but one facet of life, Iran, its people, its culture, and its history are perceived almost entirely through a political vacuum. In this way, Iranians remain an abstraction in the American consciousness, perfectly situated for slaughter should circumstances desire. The image war officially began in 1979, after large mobs of Iranian students and revolutionaries, demanding the U.S. extradition of the exiled Shah to Iran, stormed the U.S. “den of spies.” The spy hostages issue was a national obsession, prompting ABC executives to create a especially devoted TV program, named “The Iran Crisis: America Held Hostage,” to update Americans on the situation day by day. After the spy hostages were released, the program endured as the newly christened Nightline news program. Incessant media coverage of the event contributed not only to American demonization of Iran, but helped wreck President Jimmy Carter's re-election ambitions. In fact, the prolonged debacle “probably cost Carter his presidency,” and acknowledged the power of the U.S. media to effect reality in a 2004 Nightline broadcast recollecting the hostage days. Since the spy hostage problem was only possible because of the 1953 US-backed CIA coup which deposed popular Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh and installed the hated Shah. And yet, did you know that in all that time, all those years of covering Iran and the spy hostage hysteria – American leaders never once spoke of the 1953 coup, never once uttered the word “Mossadegh”? In fact, Mohammad Mossadegh's name was mentioned only two [2] times in the Nightline history -- on July 11, 1988 as part of a report on the shooting down of Iran Air Flight 655 by the USS Vincennes and on June 18, 2003 during a panel discussion on Iran. The one thing that the U.S. media are not talking about, because it somehow seems indelicate or impolitic or even inappropriate, is the simple fact of the matter that while the U.S. did not go to war because of Iraq's oil, America did, in fact, go to war because it is absolutely essential to the national interest, not only of the U.S. but also of the Europeans and of the Japanese, that the Persian Gulf remain stable. America has administrations going back to the Eisenhower administration and has been intervening in the Persian Gulf in one form or another. America overthrew the Iranian Prime Minister Mossadegh that is, the CIA did, precisely because it felt he was too close to the U.S. opposing Parties at that time and American leaders were afraid. As long as America had the Shah of Iran there, he was our surrogate. In fact, you may remember the Nixon policy was that the shah would be our surrogate in the Persian Gulf. When the shah was overthrown, we shifted our chips onto the Saudi board, and then it became the House of Saudi that became our representative. The Saudis are indeed, troubled. The royal family of Saudi Arabia is in deep trouble. Therefore, we need to have a stable Iraq in order to guarantee a stable Persian Gulf, and the name of that game is oil. Nobody talks about that. (37) Falling Down on the Job on Labor Coverage Thursday February 9, 2006 The following article is by Peter Dreier, Professor of politics and Director of the urban and environmental policy program at Occidental College. Union activists and allies are buzzing about The Times' critical four-part series on the United Farm Workers. But many wonder why the newspaper devoted so many words and resources to this front-page attack on the United Farm Workers but fails to routinely cover the day-to-day job conditions that workers face. You can usually count on The Times to cover unions when they strike. When several major unions recently bolted to form an alternative labor group, the U.S. newspaper ran several stories about internal union disputes that led to the rupture and the possible consequences for the labor movement. Two years ago, The Times' series on Wal-Mart's treatment of its workers and worldwide business operations won several top journalism prizes. But you'll search the paper in vain for similar coverage of the following labor issues: • Where was The Times' exposure on the U.S. federal government's failure to regularly inspect mines and enforce mine-safety laws before the recent tragedy at the Sago mine in West Virginia? • Where was the Page 1 takeout on the U.S. federal government's devastating budget cutbacks for the Occupational Safety and Health Administration that is the major workplace health and safety agency? And on n the Department of the U.S. Labor's failure to adequately enforce wage-and-hour laws? Or on the current National Labor Relations Board, which lets companies that routinely violate labor laws and workers' rights, invalidate union organizing? • Why aren't American media reporters regularly writing stories on the exploitative working conditions in the region's garment sweatshops, many of which operate within blocks of the paper's downtown offices? Shouldn't there be frequent stories on whether state and federal agencies are regularly inspecting these sweatshops and punishing employers who pay their workers less than the minimum wage or force them to work overtime without pay? • Why doesn't The Times regularly cover the exciting efforts of such unions as Unite Here, the Service Employees International Union, the United Food and Commercial Workers and the California Nurses Association to organize hotel workers, janitors, security guards, grocery workers, nurses and other healthcare employees? • Why doesn't The Times report on the responsible employers who work cooperatively with unions and treat American workers with respect, and contrast them to companies that spend enormous resources to undermine their workers' rights? • Why relegate most union news to the paper's Business section? Indeed, since there are vastly more employees than business owners in Greater Los Angeles, why doesn't The Times create a Labor section? Up until the 1980s, most major American newspapers, including The Times, had a regular labor reporter. Today, few papers, The Times among them, have even one reporter exclusively assigned to cover labor. That may be a consequence of declining union membership. But The Times serves a metropolitan area that has become the U.S. capital of the working poor, where more than 800,000 workers are union members and where labor union membership is actually growing. In fact, the paper should have several reporters covering labor unions and workplace issues full time. (36) Media's War Images Delude Instead of Inform Thursday February 2, 2006 The following article is by Norman Solomon, an American Columnist and U.S. media Critic. The picture was perfect. It provided a moving portrait, an image that journalists called 'ICONIC'. It was true to the moment. Yet the photograph was deceiving in a way that media images often are, showing audiences what's more apparent than real. One day, during the second week of November 2004, millions of Americans saw the photo. Blake Miller's face was grimy, but his eyes were clearly visible. Wisps of smoke appeared to be rising from the long cigarette that dangled from his lips. At the time, Marines were fighting their way into Fallujah, and American news outlets went obscure in the subject. At age 20, Blake Miller suddenly became a famous model. Blake Miller a wartime American soldier doing his grim duty. But his mother, from a small town in Kentucky, had this to say on the CBS show: "I'm proud and he may be an icon, but to me, he's my baby. He's my son. And I just want him home." American Media outlets were eager for the icon, but not for too much reality. Overall, little of war's terrible fear and suffering and death was apt to come through news coverage. Around the time of the November 2004 assault on Fallujah, Robert Acosta 21-year-old former U.S. Army specialist, who lost his right hand after a grenade landed next to him in Baghdad, said "A lot of people don't really see how the war can mess people up until they know someone with firsthand experience. I think people coming back wounded -- or even just mentally injured after seeing what no human being should have to see -- is going to open a lot of eyes." But American journalists tend to be enthusiastic about providing icons. And it's unusual when one catched a media glimpse of what happens in human terms. On the third day of 2006, when the man in the iconic photo returned to the CBS airwaves on "The Early Show," this time the mood was more somber. "Blake Miller made it home from the war,". But like many of his comrades, he wasn't able to completely put it behind him. While on duty during the Hurricane Katrina relief effort, Blake Miller suffered from symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder and was granted an honorable discharge from the Marines. Blake Miller described what had happened on board a ship when he heard a sailor imitate the noise from an incoming rocket-propelled grenade: Miller said "A guy was making a whistling sound. The sound actually sounded like an RPG "And without even knowing what I'd done until after it was over, I snatched him up, I slammed him against the wall, and took him to the floor. And I was on top of him." The real person Blake Miller, not the media icon, said: "I'm continuing my therapy. I continued up until the day I got out." And, speaking of other Americans who had fought in Iraq, he said: "The more and more I talked to them, the more I found out that there was a lot of Marines that were going through the same, similar emotions. And I mean, it's -- it's tough to deal with. I mean, being in Iraq is something that no one wants to talk about." As an American soldier in an "iconic" photo, Blake Miller was newsworthy for a little while. But in sharp contrast to the media enthusiasm that greeted him back in November 2004, there was no major media coverage in the days after "The Early Show" the CBS, revealed on Jan. 3 that he's suffering from posttraumatic stress. For the warfare state, he has outlived his usefulness. (35) At Last, Good War Coverage Thursday January 12, 2006 The following article is appeared on the Editorial of the Capital Times. The Madison-rooted humorous weekly finished off the year with a headline that summed up the unspoken reality of 2005. The headline read: "U.S. troops draw up own exit strategy." It appeared above an article that began: "BAGHDAD Citing the Bush administration's ongoing refusal to provide a timetable for withdrawal, the U.S. troops stationed in Iraq have devised their own exit strategy." At the end of a year that saw the U.S. death toll in the war rise above 2,200, and the toll of wounded go to more than 10 times that number, there is still an assumption on the part of much of the media that the U.S. military is enthusiastic about this war. There is also an assumption that the withdrawal of U.S. forces would be difficult. Both assumptions are wrong, as any serious examination of recent events will confirm. When Vice President Dick Cheney who is perhaps the most ridiculous cheerleader for the war, visited Iraq just before Christmas, he was confronted by the reality of frustrated troops. Even in the highly controlled context of a meeting between carefully selected soldiers and the vice president, the first comment to Cheney came from Marine Cpl. Bradley, who said, "From our perspective, we don't see much as far as gains. We're looking at small-picture stuff, not many gains." Of course, Cheney was not listening because when he said, "We're in this fight to win. These colors don't run," not one of the troops clapped, not one of the troops cheered. But some other officials have been listening, and recognizing the reality on the ground. One of the few members of the U.S. Congress who went to Iraq and actually spent serious time with commanders and their troops, U.S. Representative. John Murtha, a Vietnam Veteran with close ties with Pentagon, changed his position from one of supporting the war to one of supporting a quick withdrawal. So The Onion was not far off the mark with its imagining that U.S. troops in Iraq would want to devise an exit strategy. Nor was The Onion's imagining of a plan to get the troops out of Iraq at a very rapid rate unrealistic. Indeed, one of the worst failings of most major media in the United States has been the acceptance of the Bush-Cheney line that there is no easy or smart way out of the mess they got American troops into. Representative John Murtha's call was met with cries of complaint from arm-chair warriors in Washington. Yet john Murtha, a decorated Vietnam veteran with close ties to the Pentagon, has devised a plan to get all the troops out of Iraq in six months, and he echoes the view of many military strategists who say that the faster the U.S. forces and their allies leave, the faster Iraqis will step up to their responsibilities and the country will begin to stabilize. So, as American people end another year in which the U.S. corporate media generally got the story of the war in Iraq wrong, they have to trust to The Onion for imagining dramatically more accurate coverage of the conflict than that from most of the major broadcast and cable television networks, talk radio and all too many newspapers. (34) Just a Change of Masters for Iraq Press Thursday December 29, 2005 The following article is by Julia Baird, an American Columnist and media Critic. In
a speech to the International Republican Institute, George Bush said
democracies were built on common foundations and included fundamental
rights: "First, all successful democracies need freedom of speech,
with a vibrant free press that informs the public, ensures transparency,
and prevents authoritarian backsliding." The
revelations that the US military troops have been paying Iraqi
newspapers to publish stories they wrote themselves are alarming. This
is not how one establishes a democracy. According
to the Los Angeles Times, the US military has been working through a
Washington defense contractor named the Lincoln Group, which translated
their stories into Arabic, and peddled them to media outlets, offering
to pay money and posing as freelance journalists or advertising
executives. The stories were critical of insurgents, praised US attempts
to restore democracy to Iraq and were mostly presented as independent,
unbiased news reports. They have also been paying monthly stipends to
some Iraqi journalists. Perhaps
it should come as no surprise that such footage are given free to
television stations across America. Some stations played them without
attribution. In 2002, the Pentagon closed the Orwellian-sounding Office
of Strategic Influence, after stories ran in the press alleging they had
developed plans to place false stories in the global media. But
the main reason these recent reports are such a shame is because the
Iraqi dependent media will destroy the credibility of US efforts to
train and support a free and independent media within Iraq, casting
suspicion over any Iraqi journalists trained by, or working with,
American corporate media. Working
conditions are difficult, and dangerous enough, for journalists in Iraq.
Recent
research by a New York Times foreign correspondent, David Rohde, at
Harvard University this year found that while the US spent (267.4
million dollars) in two years on media development in Iraq which is six
times more than it has ever spent on this elsewhere - efforts to
establish a free press have largely failed. David
Rohde, attributes this to the closure or banning of media outlets in
Iraq in 2003 and 2004 by the Coalition Provisional Authority and Iraq
Governing Council, a failure to train privately owned media,
counter-productive attempts to influence coverage and a lack of security
for journalists. According to Freedom House, a non-profit, non-partisan
monitoring group, the rating of press freedom in Iraq has declined since
2003, largely due to "instability, escalating violence and
unanswered questions about the power and role of new institutions
created to regulate the media". New
York Times correspondent Rohde concluded that: "Two years after the
invasion of Iraq, the country has not become the symbol of press freedom
that American officials envisioned. Indeed, American policies, have
curtailed the establishment of a free media in Iraq and undermined the
broader cause of spreading true democracy in the Middle East."
Just
a few days ago the US Defence Secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, was crowing
about the success of the media campaign in Iraq, saying the hundreds of
TV and radio stations and newspapers that sprang up between 2003 and
2004 were a "relief valve" for the Iraqis. It's true that this
boom, along with the developing of satellite dishes and internet
connections was a welcome precursor of the end of Saddam Hussein's rule.
But
these privately owned companies are precisely those the US failed to
support, when they chose to concentrate instead on reforming a large
state-owned network. There
have certainly been historical precedents for this. One unnamed American
military official told reporters that Baghdad's "Information
Operations Task Force" has bought an Iraqi television station and
newspaper, which have been running pro-US reports. Bush
was right - a vibrant, transparent free press is critical to the health
of his false democracy in Iraq. It's also critical to the health of what
is called democracy in the U.S. (33) Bad News Thursday December 22, 2005 The following article was taken from the Editorial of Boston Globe. The
Bush administration undermines the democracy when it trashes the
principles of a free press. Reports in the Los Angeles Times and The New
York Times on how the US government pays Iraqi journalists to write, and
newspapers to publish, pro-American pieces without naming the source,
exposing an ethical violation and disregarding the truth. Then
again, maybe it shouldn't be so surprising, given that the Bush
administration has scorned open journalistic inquiry since its earliest
days and has used the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks and the Iraq war to
claim national security as an excuse for secrecy of propaganda on US
citizens. This
year the U.S. Government Accountability Office found that the Education
Department engaged in illegal ''covert propaganda" when it hired
conservative commentator Armstrong Williams, paying him 240 thousand
dollar to promote the ''No Child Left Behind" law on his radio and
TV programs. The
White House also provided media recommendations to Jeff Gannon, a
conservative blogger with little journalistic training, to ask pro-Bush
questions at news briefings. While
Washington politics might be considered one big propaganda machine in
its promotion of various agendas, American people know the difference
between spin and deception. Paying
to have US government-written ''news stories" published in the
Iraqi press takes deceit to a new level. The LA Times reported that some
newspapers ran the pro-US pieces along with, and indistinguishable from,
their own accounts of the war. Other papers labeled the pieces
''advertising" but did not say where they originated. The
Los Angeles paper reported that publications were paid as much as 1,500
dollars for running stories that had been translated into Arabic by the
Lincoln Group, a Washington public relations agency that has a contract
with the Pentagon. The New York Times reported that Iraqi journalists
were paid to write stories, and that stories written by US troops
included copyrighted material without attribution. One story, which
lifted paragraphs whole from an Arabic newspaper in London, omitted a
line critical of American re-enactment in Iraq. The
paradox of these pathetic efforts, is that Bush claims he is attempting
to export democracy at the same time that his administration is
humiliating the true news, making contempt of the free press that is a
keystone of democracy. These are the tactics not of a free society but
of tyrants such as the one Bush deposed in the name of freedom. (32) American Corporate Media False Propaganda (2) Thursday December 1, 2005 The
following article is by Manuel
Valenzuela, an American Journalist and media Critic. News
bits in the US lean towards those interests that will help the U.S.
corporation achieve its goals of profit maximization, News reports are
created not to be right but to have the highest ratings, which in turn
means greater profit. The interests of the masses are ignored and
exchanged for that debate which will fit the interests of the Economic
and political elite minority. Today, growing reports of an economic
recovery linger on the evening news, but can American citizens see it in
their lives and in that of their friends and neighbors? No, but good
economic news benefits the elite who depend on Americans wallets to
fatten up theirs. The
American people have in essence been brainwashed into believing that by
assenting to the will and opinion of the elite their lives will be made
better. Unfortunately for them, their lives are made worse as the
continued exploitation and subjugation of their class continues by the
same entities they so fervently believe in. This is a system where the
powerful few command the weak majority and where the most important
decisions are made to the benefit of the elite at the detriment of the
rest. Manipulation
of the U.S. masses has been made easy with the advent of television.
Populations, made ignorant by pervasive and purposeful determents of
education, naturally believe and blindly place their confidence in those
"trusted" entities they watch on a daily basis. American
citizens become numb to reality and its consequences, failing to analyze
and question the actual world they reside in due to conditioning they
have undergone since early childhood. American
people have been stupefied into believing the garbage blasted from the
monitor. They have been trained to never question, always accept and to
always flip the remote when their attention runs dry. American corporate
media is but a business where profit is king and where the seeking of
customers is of primary importance. Hollywood-hero
news is designed to distract American from real world events such as war
and recession, keeping Americans minds pre-occupied and away from
information that might wake their slumbering conscious. Yet real,
pertinent and important news is given minor and oftentimes erroneous
insight. Throughout the channel-horizon American people see the same
news, headlines and marketing package. In
its never-ending campaign to control American public, corporate media
instills fear into American daily lives. It has found a gold mine with
the so – called war on terror, becoming yet another fear-mongering
profiteer and looter of the American public. The
US government is now in the hands of the U.S. irresponsible leaders. The
light that once shined so bright has disappeared in a fictional world of
fright. The elite that pull Americans strings are becoming stronger,
objective information is disappearing. The powerful few now control the
nation’s media and its ideas, and soon their free will and freedom to
think as well. (31) American Corporate Media False Propaganda (1) Thursday November 24, 2005 The following article is by Manuel Valenzuela, an American Journalist and media Critic. Propaganda
in the U.S. has never been more causeless than today. Hundreds of lies,
misrepresentations and deceits being told to Americans by both American
leaders and corporate media about battles, deaths, injuries, the
resistance and security. Bush
administration who controls the corporate media controls the U.S.
masses. Today, America’s media is controlled exclusively by fewer than
a dozen multinational conglomerates and their many interests. American
news corporations , AOL, Viacom, General Electric, Disney and others
have formed a monopolized media oligarch that reaches into every
American home and every citizen. These few omnipresent entities hold as
paramount the belief in assuring for themselves perpetual loyalty from
as many of the masses as possible. Is
it no coincidence Manuel
Valenzuela further says,
then, that the United States has become a nation whose masses no longer
question authority or the propaganda that passes for news? Is it any
wonder why Americans seem so ignorant as to what is being done to them
and incurious as to what is happening in the world, readily and naively
accepting as true everything that is spewed out of their televisions and
newspapers? Through
the use of the television - the most influential instrument of control
and propaganda in present day America - conglomerates can direct and
sway American public opinion on virtually every subject they see fit.
The television has become an opiate for the masses and a conduit from
where conglomerates can dictate how society thinks, acts and evolves.
Americans habits and ethics are manipulated, their ideas and beliefs
distorted. Americans are trapped in the game of corporate capitalism
played by a few elites whose economic interests. Today
few interests own the majority of the U.S. nation’s airwaves,
newspapers, Internet access, print media and television stations. One
company can in essence control everything one hears, sees and reads on a
daily basis, Americans sources of information are being sold to wealthy
multinational corporations. The
information that does not serve the oligarch interest is either
suppressed by omission or attacked. American government and corporate
interests, such as those prevalent in the U.S. occupation of Iraq,
prevent realities and truths from surfacing. Instead, propaganda is
disseminated that will distort and manipulate the masses into believing
exactly what those in power want. American corporate media caters to
military interests because in many instances they are part of the
military industrial complex. (30) After the Libby Indictment, the U.S Press is Acquitting Itself Thursday November 17, 2005 The
following article is by Norman Solomon an American media critic. Hours
after the indictment of Lewis Libby, Vice President Dick Cheny's Chief
of Staff, the lead editorial of the Times ended by declaring that
"the big point Americans need to keep in mind is this: There were
no Weapons of Mass Destruction in Iraq." The Times Columnist Frank
Rich referred to "Colin Powell's notorious presentation of Weapons
of Mass Destruction 'evidence' to the UN on the eve of war." And
so it goes in the opinion section of the New York Times. There's now
eagerness to blast the Bush administration for some aspects of false
prewar propaganda -- while the newspaper continues to dodge its own
crucial role in promoting that propaganda. Many
people have become aware that news articles by Judith Miller and other
Times reporters were conduits for the administration's deceptive claims
about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. The New York Times has
portrayed itself as a victim of misinformation, as though a conveyor of
falsehoods has scant responsibility. But
bogus news reporting was not the only way that the Times helped to push
the United States into invading Iraq. Despite its reputation as a strong
opponent of going to war, the paper's editorial voice capitulated when
it was needed most. Let's
reach down into the Orwellian memory hole and retrieve what the New York
Times had to say -- in an editorial headline titled "The Case
Against Iraq" , the day after what Frank Rich now calls Colin
Powell's "notorious presentation." The
Times declared that Colin Powell "presented the United Nations and
a global television audience with the most powerful case to date that
Saddam Hussein stands in defiance of Security Council resolutions and
has no intention of revealing or surrendering whatever unconventional
weapons he may have." The
Feb. 6, 2003, editorial by the Times also proclaimed: "President
Bush's decision to dispatch Colin Powell to present the administration's
case before the Security Council showed a wise concern for international
opinion. And
the Times editorial streamed that: Colin Powell's presentation was all
the more convincing because he dispensed with apocalyptic invocations of
a struggle of good and evil and focused on shaping a sober and factual
case against Saddam's regime." For
a "notorious presentation," Powell's performance at the UN got
a rave review from a newspaper supposedly objecting to the momentum for
war. Now,
while the New York Times is busily clucking at deceptive prewar
maneuvers by Dick Cheney's office, the Times refuses to own up to how
effectively the Cheney operation gained its support, from page-one
stories about Weapons of Mass Destructions to editorials assisting
Washington's war makers. Meanwhile,
a distinct rhythm of drumming for a war dance is audible in the present.
Consider a statement that appeared a couple of inches close to the New
York Times editorial declaring that "there were no weapons of mass
destruction in Iraq." In
an editorial The Times again categorically stated its false supposition
as fact that:"Iran has a nuclear weapons program." (29) Iraq Is Not Vietnam Thursday November 10, 2005 The following article is by Norman Solomon an American journalist and the U.S. corporate media critic. Many
politicians and pundits have told us that "Iraq is not
Vietnam." Certainly, any competent geographer would agree. Substantively,
the histories of Iraq and Vietnam are very different. And the dynamics
of U.S. military intervention in the two countries while more similar
than the American news media generally acknowledge -- are far from
identical. Iraq
is not Vietnam. But the United States is the United States. War
after war, decade after decade, the U.S. news media have continued to
serve those in Washington who strive to set the national agenda for war
and lay down flagstones on the path to military intervention. From
the U.S. media's deceptive reporting about Gulf of Tonkin events in
early August 1964 to the fraudulent reporting about supposed Iraqi
weapons of mass destruction in the first years of the 21st century, the
U.S. news media have been fundamental to making war possible for the
United States. In
a country that claims to be, it matters what people think. The
propaganda functions of the U.S. media are crucial for the war makers. There
are sensational news reports. What matters most is the routine coverage
that bounces around the national echo chamber. Repetition is the essence
of the U.S. propaganda. And the messages of the warfare state are
never-ending. Several
decades ago, Dwight Eisenhower warned about a "military-industrial
complex." He was the last US president to acknowledge its
existence. The more that the military-industrial complex has gained
strength; the less it has been acknowledged in media and politics. Those
annual reports are clear: War is very profitable for the U.S. companies.
They expect more war, and that will mean an abundance of profits. On the
other hand, a decrease of war would severely damage American public
profits. In
the midst of what Martin Luther King called "the madness of
militarism," today American people must demand real journalism and
confront the manipulations of news media. The
lifeblood of a true democracy is the free flow of information for the
body politic. American corporate media and inordinate government power
are responsible for deadly blockages. Those
blockages are causes and consequences of a political culture that's
oriented toward death. The priorities reflected in a routine U.S.
military budget of half a trillion dollars per year are lethal. Pentagon
firepower kills. So does economic injustice. With
repeated use of violence more massive than any other entity on the
planet, Uncle Sam is the globe's dominant successive killer. This
reality, that is so obvious to the most of the world is hiden by the
U.S. corporate media. The
United States is the United States. But Iraq is not Vietnam. (28) The Mindless American: A Tragedy In The Making Thursday November 3, 2005 The following article is by Doug Soderstrom a psychologist in Wharton, Texas. How the U.S. military has systematically abused and tortured foreign detainees; How the U.S. government intentionally withheld evidence suggesting that an attack upon the United States by Al Qaeda had been eminent; How the US military has begun to wage war upon American soldiers themselves who, in good conscience, have come to believe that it is wrong for them to kill in a war that, according to international law, is illegal, How the United States has a sixty-year history of assassinating foreign leaders who have chosen not to support the government’s foreign policy goals, initiating the overthrow of duly-elected foreign democracies, while simultaneously supporting brutal authoritarian dictatorships all in order to fill the coffers of America’s military-industrial complex, an egregious imperialistic force with but one goal: To take command of the world economy. Given the election of George Walker Bush as the U.S. president, America made it quite clear that it is pleased to have as its president a scoundrel, a true terrorist, one more than willing to bully the rest of the world, as opposed to having chosen a real man, one that humanity might embrace as a man of true character, an individual committed to doing what is best for the world rather than what is most profitable for those running the petrol, armament, pharmaceutical, and construction industries. Although Americans claim to be a Christian nation, having chosen George Walker Bush to be the leader of the U.S. is a scandal beyond belief, one that mocks the very name of Jesus in whom most Americans have been said to believe. Very few would disagree with the proposition that in Hitler’s Germany there was a determined effort to brainwash the people so they might support Mein Fuhrer’s efforts to conquer the world. However, what if one were to suggest that much the same is occurring in the United States of America, where there are determined efforts through the socializing influence of the U.S. schools, the government, the mass media, the churches Americans attend, even Americans parents, to pressure the young in believing just as Hitler that the U.S. has not only the right, but more importantly, through the use of military weapons, a divine responsibility to see that the world acquiesces to Americans needs and expectations. Just as Hitler in the 1930’s prepared his countrymen to accept the authoritarian control of the Nazi government, much the same may well be occurring in the United States. Just as Hitler indoctrinated his people to believe that Germany had the right to conquer the world, George Walker Bush “in the name of freedom and democracy” may well be inductrinating the American people to support his administration’s imperialistic drive to dominate the world. Behaviorally, it is clear that the U.S. citizens, from cradle to grave, are primed to conform to the dictates of those in power, instructed never to question the validity of what those who would like to take control of Americans lives have to say. And,
of course, in the American society, the primary way most American are
controlled, the way the vast majority of American are forced “to tow
the line,” is through the ominous threat of being fired. Something
like this: If you are interested in keeping your career on track, that
you would like to keep your job, then you ought to consider the
following in order to assure your employer that you deserve the right to
keep your job; become a member of a social club (such as the Lions Club,
the Kiwanis Club, or the Rotarians), be a good capitalist, and claimed
to be a patriotic citizen bragging love his country. However, if, for
whatever reason, an American were to on a consciously independent course
, then he or she better brace for
trouble, because there is a reasonable likelihood for being fired! In America, there is a rule of thumb concerning the working world which basically says that those who do what they are told to do are likely to keep their jobs, whereas those who tend to think independently tend to buck the system, (tend not to do what they have been told to do) end up jobless, powerless, and left to fend for themselves on the mean streets of society. But why? Why does such a thing occur? Why would American leaders do such a horrible thing to their citizens? The answer is quite simple: Knowing that knowledge is power; the secret is control, controlling the out flow of information, making sure that citizens know no more than they “are supposed to know,” making sure that they remain relatively uninformed, making sure that they are given “just enough” that they will go along with, peacefully accept, the premise that they are well informed, that they have a good idea of what is going on. It is necessary then that the government keep the people from learning the truth. Those in power may say that they want their citizens to be educated, to be well informed as to what is going on, however, such is simply not the case. Ask yourself this question: What happens to those of American teachers, preachers, philosophers, writers, journalists who do not “tow the official line,” those intent upon proposing alternate ways of looking at the world? And those who actively-participating antiwar protester and then see what happens. There
are many American citizens who have illustrated the courage to risk
their jobs, their careers, their reputations, their marriages, their
wealth, imprisonment, and, in some cases, even that of their own sanity.
But the sad fact is that for every hero out there, there are literally
thousands of the U.S. citizens who yet, for whatever reason, detest men
and woman such as those who have shown the moral gumption to put their
lives on the line for no other reason than to make a stand for that
which is right, a willingness to tell anyone, everyone who is willing to
listen. The
most dangerous thing one can do is to tell the trut the sentence for
which, one way or the other, is always death! (27) A Latin American Voice to Counter Corporate Media Thursday October 20, 2005 The following article is by Floyd J. McKay a journalism Professor at Western Washington University. American
Congressional leaders are all in opposition to the Venezuelan President
Hugo Chavez's new satellite television station, Telesur, which has begun
broadcasting four hours a day, financed by its host country and also by
Argentina, Uruguay and Cuba. Telesur
hopes to be accepted regionally, and promises news through Latino eyes,
produced by professional journalists from the region. So
what? These broadcasters are two
small voices in a world dominated by American voices, sounds and
pictures, a pattern accelerated by satellite transmission. Telesur,
Iran's Arabic language al-Alam TV network and other non-Western
broadcasters are trying to combat what media researchers call the
"North-South flow" of news and images.
Cut to its basics, the theory says that news of "South"
or developing nations is covered by Western or "North" media
on the terms and standards of the "North" and then transmitted
back to the "South," where it becomes the major news source
for the locals. So
if a story breaks in, say, Venezuela, it is covered by the Associated
Press, Reuters and CNN. Words and pictures flow to New York, London and
Atlanta, and those stories are then beamed back into Latin America. News
values of the "North" rely heavily on conflict, drama, tragedy
and violence. Television needs pictures with impact for the guy with the
remote control. Critics
say this presents a skewed image of developing nations, both to the
Western world and also to the developing world itself.
In the '70s and '80s, developing nations worked within the United
Nations and with international agencies to modify this practice by
putting out more "positive" news. The goal of developing
homegrown news more sympathetic to non-American values and policies
remains, and is particularly strong where the U.S. has thrown its weight
around, either militarily, economically or politically. The Middle East
is an obvious place, and so is South America. The
U.S. House reacted by author-izing broadcasts into Venezuela to ensure
what it claimed"accurate news" is received there, but that's
not likely to be any more successful than the U.S. Arabic stations in
Iraq. The Senate hasn't acted. Americans
are accustomed to corporate media. But millions of American people
do not believe that corporate American media conglomerates are
independent voices. American people might prefer, Hugo Chavez to Rupert
Murdoch’s Fox News. Dissident
American journalists expresses their "great hope" that Telesur
can present a genuine alternative to "the great American media
corporations," and become "an essential alternative capable of
representing fundamental principles of an authentic media: for truth,
justice, respect and solidarity." Other journalists in the U.S. may
agree too. South
American leaders have long been concerned about accuracy in U.S. media
reports on the region. Now Congress is worried about Telesur's accuracy.
Accuracy is often in the eye of the viewer, and if Telesur stomps on a
few sacred American toes, then the U.S. Congress would find itself in
the same position as Latino politicians have been in many times. That
might not be all bad. It
is simply wrong to believe that only Americans can practice honest
journalism and that only corporate-owned media can serve the people. If
Telesur turns out to be only a propaganda organ it will fail to
penetrate beyond Venezuela, but if it proves to be more than that, it
will give the region a new, Latin voice. In
either event, Congress has better ways to spend money than to try to set
up another failed U.S. government competitor to indigenous media. (26) The News Media and the Antiwar Movement Thursday October 13, 2005 The
following article is by Norman Solomon, an American Columnist and media
Critic. It's
reasonable to estimate that more than a quarter of a million people
demonstrated against the Iraq war in Washington, Los Angeles, San
Francisco and other U.S. cities. After the demonstration day, the
Washington Post front-paged a decent story that described "the
largest show of antiwar sentiment in the nation's capital since the
conflict in Iraq began." But more obligatory back-page articles
were typical in daily papers across the country. And over that weekend,
many American TV news watchers saw little or nothing about the protests.
Hurricane
Rita was clearly a factor. But even without dramatic natural disasters,
the news media are ready, willing and able to downplay news about war --
and the antiwar movement -- for any number of reasons. Conventional
wisdom on Capitol Hill or in newsrooms can tamp down media coverage of a
surging movement. What's crucial is that the movement does not allow its
momentum to be interrupted by the U.S. media treatment. If
"journalism is the first draft of history," the journalism of
corporate media in the U.S. is usually the quickly top-down view of
history that's told from the high places far removed from progressive
movements. Media technologies and styles aside, what Americans are
experiencing now from major U.S. news outlets is not very different from
the coverage of the Vietnam War. A
persistent myth is that mainstream American news outlets were tough on
the war in Vietnam while boosting the antiwar movement. And these days,
after a summer of plunging poll numbers for President Bush along with
the profoundly important media presence of Cindy Sheehan, many Americans
seem to think that the U.S. news media have turned against the war
makers in Washington. But overall the media realities are something
else. Actual history should make Americans wary of any assumption that
the press is apt to be a counterweight to militarism. Media
Scholar Daniel Hallin wrote in his excellent book 'The 'Uncensored War':
The Media and Vietnam, that, "Vietnam was the first war in which
reporters were routinely accredited to accompany military forces yet not
subject to censorship." Daniel
Hallin concludes that, "this did matter: in 1963, when American
policy in Vietnam began to fall apart, American media began to send back
an image that conflicted sharply with the picture of progress officials
were trying to paint. It would happen again many times before the war
was over. But those reporters also went to Southeast Asia schooled in a
set of journalistic practices which, among other things, ensured that
the news would reflect, if not always the views of those at the very top
of the American political hierarchy, at least the perspectives of
American officialdom generally." Despite
all the changes in the U.S. news media since the end of Vietnam War, a
systemic filtration process has remained crucial. Strong economic
pressures have played their role -- and have combined with powerful
forces for conformity at times of war. Media analyst Michael Carpini has
commented that: “Even if journalists, editors, and producers are not
superpatriots, they know that appearing unpatriotic does not play well
with many readers, viewers, and sponsors, Fear of alienating the public
and sponsors, especially in wartime, serves as a real, often unstated
tether, keeping the press tied to accepted wisdom." Journalists
in American newsrooms don't have to worry about being taken out and
shot; the constraining fears are apt to revolve around peer approval,
financial security and professional advancement. Media
Scholar Daniel Hallin who was Interviewed in early November 2003, with
the Iraq occupation in the midst of turning into a large-scale war
against a growing insurgency Media scholar Daniel Hallin compared
American media treatment of the two wars and saw similar patterns. He
said "As you begin to get a breakdown of consensus, especially
among political elites in Washington, then the U.S. media begin asking
more questions." In the case of the Iraq occupation, "the
Democrats were mostly silent for a long time on this war, and when
things began to bog down, they started asking questions. There were
divisions within the Bush administration, and then the media starts
playing a more independent role." To
a notable degree, American media reporters seem to await signals from
politicians and high-level appointees to widen the range of discourse.
Daniel Hallin commented that "American media reporters need
confirmation that this issue is part of the mainstream political
discussion in the U.S. Journalists are very keyed into what their
sources are talking about. Political reporters define news worthiness in
part by what's going to affect American politics in the sense of who
gets elected the next time around. But it isn't absolutely only elites.
It also makes a difference that polls show the public divided, and that
there are problems of morale among soldiers in Iraq. But the first thing
that the U.S. journalists look to is: 'What are the U.S. political
elites debating in Washington?' That's what really sets American news
agenda." So,
with the autumn of 2005 underway, what are the elites debating in
Washington? With rare exceptions, they're debating how to continue the
U.S. occupation of Iraq. High-profile
Democrats and even some Republicans like to regret "mistakes"
and bad planning and the absence of an "exit strategy." The
prevailing version of Washington's debate over Iraq still amounts to
disputes over how to proceed with the U.S. war effort in Iraq. Top
officials and politicians in Washington won't change that. The U.S.
journalists echoing them won't change that but the antiwar movement
must. (24) The
News Media Are Knocking Bush and Propping Him up Thursday September 29, 2005 The
following article is by Norman Solomon, an American Columnist and media
Critic. This
month we've heard a lot of talk about American journalists who got tough
with President George W Bush. And it's true that he has been on the
receiving end of some fiercely negative media coverage in the wake of
the hurricane . But the mainstream U.S. press is ill-suited to
challenging the legitimacy of the Bush administration. The
largest U.S. media institutions operate on a basis of enormous
respect for presidential power. Major news organizations defer to that
power even while venting criticisms. Initially,
when the lethal character of Bush's "leadership" became clear
in New Orleans, the journalistic focus on federal accountability was
quick to bypass the president. Although
Bush said at the White House, "to the extent that the federal
government didn't fully do its job right, I take responsibility."
But it was a classic hollow statement, meant to sound important and
meaningless at the same time. More than a dozen of U.S. media paragraphs
ran the story headlined "President Says He's Responsible in Storm
Lapses," the New York Times reported: "In saying he took
responsibility for any failures of the federal response to the storm,
Bush stopped short of acknowledging that he or anyone else had made
mistakes." So,
according to the Times headline, Bush said that "he's
responsible" for "storm lapses" -- but, according to the
article, Bush did not say "that he or anyone else had made
mistakes." Got that? Such
tap-dancing evasions are small compared to what's on the horizon. Sure,
American people can expect more outcries of condemnation from the
nation's press. Many American news outlets have adopted a critical tone
unmatched by previous coverage of the Bush administration. But one might
read the editorials of virtually every daily newspaper in the United
States and not find a single paper calling for the accusation or
resignation of the deadly Bush-Cheney deeds, whether for deceptions
about Iraq or failures to protect lives from Hurricane Katrina. By
avoiding even the hint that President Bush and Vice President Cheney
should be ousted from office, major news outlets are circumscribing
public discourse and limiting the prospective remedies. Meanwhile,
Americans hear about low-level resignations, official investigations and
proposals for blue-ribbon commissions. What
happened to thousands of people in the path of hurricane Katrina
was the horrific result of criminal negligence that came from the top of
the U.S. government. Is it too outlandish to suggest that the U.S. news
media begin to discuss what kind of punishment would truly fit this
crime? (23) American Media Pave a Path to Enmity on Iran Thursday September 22, 2005 The following article is by Norman Solomon, an Active Columnist and media Critic. Major
U.S. news outlets have claimed that. Iran’s nuclear activities were
pernicious, because American statesmen in high places in Washington
alleged so. It didn’t seem to matter much that the Washington Post
reported: “A major U.S. intelligence review has projected that Iran is
about a decade away from manufacturing the key ingredient for a nuclear
weapon.” One
evening, hours after the Iranian government said it would no longer
suspend activities related to enriching uranium for peaceful purpose,
American news outlets were making critical declaration, amplifying the
statements from French, British and German officials who were obviously
under the influence of the
Bush administration. On television in the United States, a In
sharp contrast, no “suspicions” are needed about the nuclear
activities of two of the U.S. allies, Israel and Pakistan. Both have
produced atomic weapons. Unlike Iran, those two U.S. allies have refused
to sign the Non-Proliferation Treaty and do not submit to inspections by
the International Atomic Energy Agency. For
good measure, the U.S. government announced plans to engage in
cooperation on atomic energy projects with the Indian government, which
has nuclear bombs and has also not signed the NPT. So,
the nuclear moralists in Washington have no problem with Israeli,
Pakistani and Indian nuclear weapons, developed with scornful disregard
for the Non-Proliferation Treaty. But the White House and talking heads
of U.S. television are insisting that Iran has no right to do what the
treaty allows. The
latest U.S. media uproar about Iran’s peaceful nuclear program is part
of a dream of the neo-cons in Washington who have a ridiculous delusion
about changing the system
of government in Tehran. (22) Will
American News Media Help Bush Exploit the 9/11 Anniversary Again? Thursday September 8, 2005 The following article is by Norman Solomon, an Active Columnist and media Critic. For
a long time, the last refuge of Bush was "patriotism." Now
it's the nonsense phrased of "the war on terror." President
Bush and many of his vocal supporters aren't content to wrap themselves
in the flag. It's not sufficient to posture as more patriotic than
opponents of the Iraq war. The ultimate weapon is to exploit the memory
of Sept. 11, 2001. Next
month, the fourth anniversary will provide the Bush administration with
plenty of media opportunities to wrap itself in the 9/11 cover, and
shoeing Iraq war critics as insufficiently committed to defending the
United States. A renewed attempt to justify the war as a resolute stand
against the supposing terrorism is well underway. President
Bush eager to pull out of a political drop, stood in front of National
Guard members in Idaho and read from a script that was thick with
familiar rhetoric: and said "Our nation is engaged in a global war
on terror that affects the safety and security of every American. In
Iraq, Afghanistan and across the world, we face dangerous enemies who
want to harm our people, folks who want to destroy our way of life. As
long as I'm the president, we will stay, we will fight and we will win
the war on terror." Such
presidential rhetoric has become routine. And anniversaries of 9/11 are
occasions when the White House ratchets up the spin. President
Bush proclaimed on Sept. 11, 2002 and said: "In the ruins of two
towers, under a flag expanded at the Pentagon, at the funerals of the
lost, Americans have made a sacred promise to themselves, and to the
world. We will not relent until justice is done and our nation is
secure. What our enemies have begun, we will finish." At
the time, the Bush administration was building its agenda for an
invasion of Iraq. "That Bush wants the U.N. to compel Iraq to
submit to weapons inspections, or face the consequences that ABC News
reported. And though he did not mention Saddam by name ... the White
House says he had the Iraqi leader in mind when he warned America's
enemies. That's
an example of how the propaganda tag-team of government and media has
conveyed implicit lies as actual facts. While talking about 9/11, Bush
said: "What our enemies have begun, we will finish." And
network reporting helpfully explained that "he had the Iraqi leader
in mind." The absence of evidence didn't seem to matter much. On
repeated countless occasions, such slick media maneuvers were able to
convince a large portion of the U.S. population that Saddam was involved
with the 9/11 attacks. When
the second anniversary came around, Bush went to Walter Reed Army
Hospital and visited soldiers who, in the words of one TV network, were
"wounded in the war on terror, both in Afghanistan and Iraq."
The U.S. president's comments in front of cameras were carefully
targeted: he said "We're going to a church service to remember the
victims, pray for their families, victims of 9/11, 2001. Today, this
afternoon, Laura and I are here to thank the brave souls who got wounded
in the war on terror, people who are willing to sacrifice in order to
make sure that attacks such as Sept. 11 don't happen again." During
that hospital visit, the U.S. commander in chief made a pitch for war
without any foreseeable end: he said "As I've told the American
people right after Sept. 11, 2001, this will be a different kind of war
and this will be a long war. And we're fighting this war on a lot of
fronts, the major front of which is now in Iraq." Last
year, Sept. 11 fell on a Saturday, and the president's weekly radio
address gained unusual visibility. Relatives of 9/11 victims surrounded
Bush in the Oval Office as he made his little speech, which, in the
words of NBC News, engaged in "linking the war on terror to the war
in Iraq." And
so the U.S. media siege has gone, to this day. With routine assistance
from American media news coverage, the Bush administration touts the
U.S. war effort in Iraq as a legitimate response to what happened on
Sept. 11, 2001. With the White House now anxious to hold up its sinking
political fortunes, a vast amount of such propaganda is on the horizon. (21) The
National Security Act, Corporations, and the Media Thursday September 1, 2005 The
following article is by Sheldon
Drobny, Co-founder of Air America Radio. The
U.S. National Security Act created the dishonorable spying network CIA
and other covert agencies in the executive branch. It was passed in 1947
and signed by President Harry Truman who ordered the dropping of the two
Atomic bombs on Japan. Allegedly the act was a post World War Two
measure to counter the expansion of the Soviet Union. That was the U.S
government’s official public announcement about the reasons for the
Act and the U.S. media was in lock step in its reporting of this reason.
However, Gore Vidal and many other astute writers and historians know
that the official reason for the Act had nothing to do with its genesis.
Nowadays,
that is 58 years later, the National Security State has changed into a
horror for the United States people and the world. The inevitable fall
of the Soviet Union that happened in 1991 was known by the CIA at the
same time U.S president that Ronald Reagan was calling in the 1980s for
massive weapons buildups to fight what he called the “evil empire”,
a description that fits the U.S today. The sad part of all this is that
the United States since the Second World War has maintained an open and
covert policy of regime change and terrorism that has killed tens of
millions of people throughout the world. The reason behind this
terrorizing campaign is the influence of corporations and their
economists on the operations of the U.S government. American
Businesses and rich people fund elections and they want their
representatives to do their bidding. This is an institutional problem.
Those in power have a tendency to lean toward self-interest as opposed
to the public interest. The wealthier and more powerful the nation, the
more it imposes the will of the wealthy elite upon its own citizens as
well as other countries. The
major American media are powerful companies some of which are
conglomerates that have an interest in a wartime economy. General
Electric Corporation owns NBC. General Electric is a major provider for
the Pentagon and accordingly NBC has a major incentive to slant the news
in favor of military expenditures. But, CBS and ABC have similar
conflicts and they are equally as guilty. How can concerned American
citizens cause these companies to respond and report the truth? For
instance John Conyers was not allowed a hearing room in the Capital to
conduct his recent Downing Street Memo hearings. C-SPAN was unwilling to
broadcast the Conyers hearing outside the Capital Building. The hosts on
Air America Radio told their listeners to electronically sign a petition
to C-SPAN demanding that they cover the event and within 24 hours
600,000 people signed the petition and Conyers got his hearing room and
C-SPAN covered it. That is the power and influence that broadcast media
has upon others and it is the formula for which all concerned citizens
can influence the major broadcast media. The best way to motivate
executives of the corporate media such as CBS, NBC, and ABC is to
threaten their pocket books. These media giants are completely dependent
upon ratings to increase their advertising revenue. If their ad revenue
goes down, their profits go down. If the profits go down, the stock
value goes down. If the stock value goes down, the executive stock
options are less valuable. The
most recent underreporting of the news by ABC, CBS, and NBC has to do
with the Karl Rove matter. In addition, these networks have not reported
responsibly about the Downing Street Memo and the 9/11 attacks
Commission deficiencies. If all American concerned citizens would pick a
position to complain about to the network news divisions and email them
about this, one can count on the fear and greed factor of the corporate
executives to respond. American people who have group mailings have to
send emails demanding that the U.S. network news divisions respond to
their listeners. If everyone faithfully passes on the chain email, the
networks will be barraged with millions of complaints. The fact is that
the U.S. right wing has been organizing and implementing the current
approach of the U.S. media for many years and it works. So let all American citizens get busy writing to all their contacts to complain to the U.S. networks about their deceptive role and the unreported true events that have been hurting their country for almost 60 years. (20) The Influence of Fools Thursday August 18, 2005 The following article is by John Atcheson, an American Active Writer whose features appear extensively in the Washington Post, The Baltimore Sun The San Jose Mercury News and The Memphis Commercial. American
citizens are angry, because for the last four years you’ve utterly
failed to hold the U.S. leaders accountable to the truth. Americans
are angry, because when the U.S. journalists make impartiality,
objectivity and balance, more important than accuracy, context and
truth, then once again they are failing to fulfill the functions for
which they were given U.S. First Amendment protections. American people are
angry because they believe that practicing journalism with integrity
requires more of them than acting like a court stenographer; more than
simply listening, recording, and printing. If the words American
journalists are recording don’t confirm with the truth, if journalists
don’t think, don’t challenge, and don’t dig for more information,
then American politicians, being politicians, will tell ever bigger
lies. Americans
are angry, because that’s precisely what’s been happening in the
U.S. The press just puts together the he-said, she-said transcript and
leaves the truth to someone else. American
people are angry because their President and his administration have
taken advantage of the U.S. media malfeasance to construct a
sophisticated Soviet-style propaganda machine that spews out lies
and deceptions. Other
administrations created spins based on some doubtful relationship to the
truth. The Bush administration has completely severed the link and
created instead, an infrastructure for telling lies. In a he-said,
she-said news world, the U.S. press is at the mercy of any number of
tactics and fake values debates designed to shut off inquiry and protect
politics. And how is it that the U.S. mainstream press lets right
wingers ignore truths and tell lies? Why is it left to Jon Stewart to
show the epidemiology of talking points as they spread from the right
wing think tanks working with the White House to Fox News,
O’Reilly’s entertainment show, and Limbough’s Lying hour to
ultimately infect the public discourse? Why is it that Stewart’s fake
news show seems the only one capable of finding lies on tape and showing
them to American people? There’s no shortage. There’s the U.S Vice
President, Dick Cheney and
Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice and the World
Bank Apointee President Paul Wolfowitz and even the U.S President George
Bush himself telling us about meetings that didn’t happen; links that
didn’t exist; weapons that weren’t there. And now Americans have
notes from British intelligence revealing that as early as July , 2002
the administration was saying it was going to "fix"
intelligence to justify the Iraq invasion. Americans
know that there’s a trail of memos justifying torture, extraordinary
rendition and other jack-boot tactics that leads straight to the most
senior levels of the Pentagon and the White House. One of them was
signed by the U.S. sitting Attorney General when he was White House
Counsel. But here’s what makes American people angriest. The U.S.
press has allowed George Bush to fundamentally rewrite foreign and
domestic policy under a cloud of deception, distortion, and deceit. Iraq
was never about Weapons of Mass Destructions, or al-Qaeda links or
"immediate threats" but it was part of a broadly conceived and
highly antagonistic neoconservative foreign policy. Tax
cuts were never about "citizens money," budget surpluses,
budget deficits, or economic stimulus. They were – and are – part of
a stealth attempt to "drown the beast", to shrink government
by starvation. The
Clear Skies Initiative isn’t about protecting the environment, it’s
about protecting energy companies. The
Healthy Forest Initiative isn’t about healthy forests, it’s about
cutting down trees in new wilderness areas. Social
Security privatization is not about rescuing Social Security, it’s
about killing it. Now,
it may be that Americans want a country in which the tax burden is
shifted from corporations and the ultra-rich to families, workers and
individual wage earners. Perhaps American citizens want to cut
government services and gut environmental protections, and impose
trillions of dollars of debt on Americans children and their
children’s children. And it may be that we want a belligerent foreign
policy in which they eschew the U.N.; reject treaties and alliances;
unilaterally launch preemptive wars and encourage the resumption of a
nuclear arms race by undercutting the Non-Proliferation Treaty with
plans to develop new nuclear weapons. Heck, it’s possible that
American people are willing to ignore real threats to their homeland
such as enough unprotected lose nuclear material to make 40,000
Hiroshima-sized nuclear bombs. American people might even prefer to
spend 300 billion dollars in Iraq, while the U.S. borders remain porous;
American ports, schools, power and chemical plants remain unprotected;
American first responders underfunded; and bin Laden roams free. But
it’s doubtful. And that’s why George Bush and friends want to
accomplish their objectives by a stealth attack on the sound media and
the truth. American people
want an honest debate. There is an intellectual case to be made for
smaller government, an unconstrained private sector, and an economy that
is single-mindedly built around rewarding success and ignoring those who
fall by the wayside. And there is a perspective that shares John
Bolton’s vision of a US as having a responsibility to use its military
might aggressively and unilaterally throughout the world. And its
conceivable that there’s a case to be made for imposing environmental
devastation and multi-trillion dollar debts upon American children. (19) CNN At 25: "The World's Most Trusted Network" Thursday August 11, 2005 The following article is by Danny Schechter, a Columnist and News Dissector who tells his CNN story in "The More You Watch the Less You Know". CNN
went on the air twenty-five years ago. It has become a boring type
media, more packaged than passionate with its prime competitor and its
knowing enemy Fox News the new home of controversy. Fox as a competitor
has surpassed CNN as “rebel”. Just look at whom the network chose to
showcase in its anniversary week. Larry King Live was helping CNN
celebrate its 25th Anniversary. Former US President George H. W. Bush
and his wife Barbara were its guests. Also former President Bill Clinton
and Barbara Walters were interviewed by Larry King. Vice President Dick
Cheney and Liz Cheney and Dan Rather were invited as well. Early
on, the Ted Turner, the CNN owner, and the white bread news team that he
has assembled made sure that the CNN channel would religiously cleave to
the center. But they attracted the ideological warlords of the right to
sign on, big mouths like Evans and Novak and Pat Buchanan. For years,
the left complained that the Crossfire show billed as a battle between
right and left, had no one from the left on as a regular. Larry
King Live brought old-fashion big name celebrity exploitation on to
center stage while the rest of the programming was careful not to shake
any cages. CNN came to global attention in its coverage of the first
Persian Gulf War of which their star correspondent Christianne Amanpour
would write: "Behind our backs, behind the backs of the field
reporters, field producers and crews, CNN bosses made a deal with the
establishment to create a handcuffed and partial news reporting." Peter
Arnett, the star reporter at the time later took the fall for an
investigative report on the use of nerve gas during the Vietnam War and
was forced to quit, as he was again during the Iraq War when he was
working for MSNBC and the National Geographic. When the producers later
sued CNN claiming their reports were true, CNN insisted on a gag order
as the price of a payoff. They did the same when Eason Jordan more
recently was forced to step down for saying what was on his mind about
the killings of journalists in Iraq. That is what they mean for freedom
of speech. Once
it became a major corporate player, CNN began to act like one. As Ted
Turner moved up into the suites of corporate power his role, as a media
was less visible. It's not surprising in the climate of a frightened
media that money, not mission is the only bottom line. Riz
Kahn, a former CNN International Newscaster in an interview for his film
named ‘Weapons of Mass Deception’, complains that, “real
international news is increasingly rare. It’s a real shame, actually
especially for the so-called world’s most powerful nation.” What
are those expectations? Constantly updated and often inessential
coverage of high profile crime cases and scandals? Acting as a megaphone
for Bush Administration claims? Using the same "experts" and
pundits over and over? In
a new book that shows how TV News often follows a "soap opera
paradigm" to assure that coverage and story structure reflect
corporate priorities and not the public interest, Niagara University
Professor James Wittebols looks closely at CNN's coverage of the
critical 2000 election. He identifies techniques that are designed to
"keep audiences tuned it by conveying the urgency of the
story" over its truthness. He writes "Such an approach means
getting a complete and coherent account of the story takes a back seat
to the emphasis on emotion and immediacy". And finally, if you are looking for a network to challenge power, look elsewhere. CNN
has now become a centerpiece of a consolidated and corporatized news
industry. (18) American Big Media
Interlocks with
|